Drugs and Prison

The American Disgrace.

For years, drug policy discussions have foundered on a fundamental dilemma: If illegal and addictive drugs are freely available in the nation’s prison system—and there is no one who says otherwise—then how can we as a society expect to control the consumption of drugs outside the prison walls? Moreover, should people be jailed at all for simple possession?

In 1982, President Ronald Reagan inaugurated the “war on drugs." From 1980 to 1997, writes Glenn C. Loury in his book Race, Incarceration, and American Values, the number of people in prison for drug offenses increased more than 1,000 %. Only one out of five drug convictions involved any sort of distribution beyond simple possession, says Loury, although there is often dispute about these numbers and how they are derived.

In “Can Our Shameful Prisons Be Reformed?” which appeared in the November 19 issue of the New York Review of Books, David Cole argues that African-Americans “have borne the brunt of this war.” While white drug offenders in prison increased by more than 100 % from 1985 to 1991, the prison population of black drug offenders soared by 465 %. Citing figures from The Sentencing Project, Cole asks whether we are willing to accept “a system in which one out of every three black males born today can expect to spend time in jail during his life?”

America’s prison disgrace is everyone’s problem, however. Cole informs us that a new prison is opened in the U.S. every week, and that imprisoning someone costs $20,000 a year and up. We spend $7 billion on jails in 1980. Today, writes Cole, the figure is $60 billion.

Where are we going wrong? The answer is straightforward, and unavoidable: The War on Drugs. According to FBI crime statistics cited by Cole, the U.S. last year arrested 1.7 million people for drug crimes. “Since 1989, more people have been incarcerated for drug offenses than for all violent crimes combined,” writes Cole. “Yet much like Prohibition, the war on drugs has not ended or even significantly diminished drug use.” In addition, “about half of property crime, robberies, and burglaries are attributable to the inflated cost of drugs caused by criminalizing them.”

At the heart of the problem lies a long-standing dilemma. The American prison system does next to nothing for drug addicts, except assure them of a steady supply. The justice system does not systematically help drug addicts avoid prison, or reintegrate them into society when they get out. And, since a high number of chronic drug abusers also suffer from other mental disorders, the lack of consistent, well-funded, effective programs for ex-offenders virtually guarantees a revolving-door cycle of repeated incarcerations. For those drug felons who are not themselves addicts, and who are in prison due to simple possession charges, a program of mass parole would ease prison crowding significantly. There is really no reason why many of the prisoners in this class should have been locked up at all, but for draconian legislation passed in the heat of passion—like New York’s Rockefeller laws--about one drug “epidemic” or another.

In addition to converting the swords of the drug war into the ploughshares of job programs, education, and housing assistance, we need to recognize and act upon the obvious fact that young people who are in school are far less likely to end up in prison. Schools are a far more cost-effective solution than prisons. In addition, a RAND Corporation study cited by Cole concluded that treatment is "fifteen times more effective at reducing drug-related crime than incarceration."

In the end, the need for action is undeniable. As Cole writes, “The very fact that the US record is so much worse than that of the rest of the world should tell us that we are doing something wrong.”

Graphics Credit: http://correctionsproject.com

Harm Reduction Scorecard

A look at drug strategies worldwide.

A fascinating study released earlier this year by the International Harm Reduction Association (IHRA) provides a snapshot of the staggering country-by-country variations in drug law and policy across the globe.

While Western Europe and North America have in place a solid base of operational heroin substitution therapies, such as methadone, these same Western countries have fallen behind in prison addiction programs, including all-important needle exchanges.

Countries lacking widespread access to heroin substitution programs include Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Cambodia, and most of Latin America with the exception of Mexico. These are also, coincidentally or not, all regions of substantial opium cultivation.

As it turns out, every major nation except South Africa—where the ravages of HIV are all too evident--has put in place needle and syringe exchange programs of one scope or another, in at least one location in the country.

Interestingly, the IHRA report, titled “Harm Reduction Policy and Practice Wordwide,” finds that some of the countries with the most active needle exchange programs in prisons include Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Romania—and Iran, which also offers heroin substitution therapy in prisons. Notable countries lacking widespread needle exchange programs in prisons include the United States, Latin America, and portions of Western Europe.

Finally, regarding the most radical category in the harm reduction arsenal—drug consumption rooms, also known as safe injection facilities—the world has been significantly slower to adopt this approach to the public consumption of injectable drugs. The document lists the existence of drug consumption rooms in Canada, Australia, Germany, Norway, the Netherlands, Spain, and Switzerland.

The report, prepared by Catherine Cook, a Research Analyst with IHRA, notes that the listings do not indicated “the scope, quality or coverage of services.” And while almost all countries have national policy documents that make reference to harm reduction policies for health or drug-related policy, strategies vary widely.

“Of particular interest here is the US,” the report notes, “which includes harm reduction in its national HIV and hepatitis C strategy documents, but not in those relating to drug policy.”


Graphic Credit: Bristol Drugs Project


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